Kong Ching Ping
I am a Quantitative Finance major at the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Born and raised in Hong Kong, I am a native Cantonese speaker and am currently learning Spanish and Russian!
Can a state successfully transition into a globalized market economy while retaining ownership of its crown jewels, or is absolute privatization the only path to economic efficiency?
This fundamental dilemma lies at the heart of contemporary transition economics. The creation of the National Investment Fund of Uzbekistan (UzNIF) under Presidential Decree No. UP-111 (July 19, 2024) represents a bold structural answer to this question, marking a shift toward a market-oriented framework for managing the nation’s core capital resources. Historically, large state-owned enterprises (SOEs) and natural monopolies were managed directly by sector-specific line ministries. This traditional administrative model harbored a structural conflict of interest: ministries acted simultaneously as regulators and commercial operators, which frequently relegated long-term financial efficiency to a secondary priority behind social goals.
Decree No. UP-111 structurally decoupled the state’s regulatory functions from its commercial asset ownership. Modeled after Singapore's Temasek sovereign holding, this framework establishes a professional mechanism to maximize the market capitalization of consolidated assets.
This analysis examines the establishment, operational strategy, and future outlook of Uzbekistan’s National Investment Fund, offering broader insights into the nation’s privatization process and ongoing economic transition.
The first president of Uzbekistan, Islam Karimov, who held office from 1989 until his death in September 2016, developed what he called the Uzbek Path, which was a development paradigm consciously different from the policy of market liberalization dictated by the Washington Consensus. This model had a structure based on four foundations, namely, rigid state monopoly in the spheres of energy, telecommunications, transportation, and banking; use of a multi-exchange-rate system with artificially created parity and serving as an invisible tax on productivity; capital controls; and closed borders to any significant trade with its immediate neighbors.
Opinions about this legacy differ indeed. During the period from 1996 to 2016, Uzbekistan had an average annual GDP growth rate of 5%, which exceeded 8% towards the end of Karimov's rule. Among his positive legacies are low levels of sovereign debts, prudent fiscal policies, and considerable reserves of gold and foreign exchange.
However, the structural dysfunctions were just as serious. Private-sector GDP did not budge over an entire decade. Millions of young Uzbeks have emigrated to Russia to find work, leading to structural dependence on transfers from one destination market that makes the entire economy vulnerable to performance in Russia's economy.
Mirziyoyev's reform agenda has seen three clearly identifiable stages.
First Stage (2016-2021): The foundation of liberalisation.
The single most important reform was the unification of exchange rates in Uzbekistan in September 2017 – a process which required a significant depreciation of the Uzbek currency to its market clearing value but instantly abolished the black market premium which had been holding back foreign investments for decades. This reform went hand-in-hand with the abolishing of virtually all foreign exchange controls, lowering the customs duties on thousands of products, making business registration easier and actively repairing relations with Central Asian neighbours. According to IMF estimates, as a consequence, Uzbekistan has been experiencing average annual GDP growth of 5.7% since 2017. Foreign investment has reached $39.7 billion in 2025, up from $4.1 billion in 2016 – a tenfold increase over nine years.
Phase Two (2021-2024): Institutional infrastructure.
In this phase there was an establishment of the infrastructure that is necessary for the implementation of largescale privatisation, including the Agency for Management of State Assets (UzSAMA) tasked with preparing the SOEs properly for privatisation; the Law on Privatisation of State Property (adopted in February 2024); the requirement for the application of the IFRS by the major SOEs; as well as the consultations with the OECD on the investment policy review. Without these foundations, the IPO of UzNIF would have been impossible. The audit of the UzNIF's financial statements carried out by Deloitte onin March 30, 2026, and registered at the Financial Reporting Council of the United Kingdom could not have been performed without the IFRS-compliant financial statements of portfolio companies.
Phase Three (2024 – 2026): Access to international capital markets.
UzNIF was founded by Presidential Decree No. 303 on 27 August 2024 and officially registered on 24 December 2024. The Investment Management Agreement with Franklin Templeton Asset Management was signed on 26 January 2025. Construction of the portfolio in stages occurred during 2025, with four firms being exited by capital reduction on 30 December 2025 and replacement by superior firms. When order books were opened in May 2026, Uzbekistan had built the institutional framework that would make the deal credible to the most sophisticated investors in the world.
However, each of the three phases of reforms was technically reversible. Presidential decrees can be replaced. Agencies can be liquidated. Laws can be changed. This is not true in the case of the listing in London. The requirements for continuous disclosure in the LSE Main Market, the quarterly disclosure of NAV data by Franklin Templeton, the audit by Deloitte, the review of more than 160 institutional investors which incur reputational risks when holding equity in firms whose corporate governance practices are poor, the appointment of directors at thirteen Uzbek SOEs – all of this is irreversible through presidential decree.
Uzbekistan applied to the WTO in 1994 and made no progress for more than two decades during the presidency of Karimov as multilateral trade rules were considered a constraint on his development strategy. There was a drastic shift in the pace of the accession process from 2016 onwards, and the process has now entered its final technical phase. Prior to the UzNIF IPO, bilateral market access negotiations with 33 out of 34 WTO member states involved, including the EU, US, UK, China, and Russia – except Chinese Taipei – had already been completed. Over 180 national legislation acts have been harmonized with the WTO standards. The 12th Working Party Meeting in March 2026 led to the production of a draft Working Party Report with 62 commitments, seeking accession at the 14th Ministerial Conference in Cameroon in 2026.
The traditional interpretation of WTO membership – tariff cuts, market access, trade expansion – misses the full import of membership for countries at Uzbekistan’s level of development. This lies along four tracks.
The WTO’s regime governing state trading enterprises is a barrier to the conferment of exclusive monopoly status that immunizes state owned enterprises from competition. This has direct bearing on UzNIF portfolio companies, where the UzNIF financial reports show that Uzbekistan plans to raise its energy tariffs to cost recovery levels by 2026-2027, and to unify rail freight tariffs by 2030, consistent with WTO requirements.
2. Liberalization of services.
Binding commitments in relation to services in the Uzbek case will be made regarding finance, telecommunications, and distribution, which constitute three out of the five major sectors covered by the UzNIF portfolio. These are the commitments which make the competition inevitable and thus lead to the efficiency sought by UzNIF.
3. Legal predictability.
Institutional investors are primarily interested in the legal environment in the host country rather than in the macroeconomic numbers. In the case of joining the WTO, one gets an additional dispute settlement system due to the lack of effective domestic accountability mechanisms. The 180 plus legislative changes already made are a huge step in this respect.
4. GDP effects.
Expert assessments suggest WTO membership could increase Uzbekistan's national income by as much as 20% over the medium term through expanded trade and investment flows. While precise quantification is inherently uncertain, the directional effect is robust in the empirical trade literature.
The structural logic of SOE privatisation has been identifiable since at least 2017. Yet the country's first international equity offering happened in 2026. The explanation lies in the simultaneous convergence of five structural drivers.
Table 1: Five Structural Drivers of the 2026 Reform Window
| Driver | Mechanism | Why Decisive in 2026 |
|---|---|---|
| Demographic pressure | 600–700k new labor force entrants per year | SOE model cannot absorb this; privatisation accelerates reallocation |
| Russia shock (2022) | Remittance disruption; Western capital diverted from sanctioned markets | FDI inflows reached $39.7bn in 2025 — almost tenfold growth since 2017 |
| WTO deadline | Each Working Party session generates mandatory legislative changes | Political cover for cutting SOE monopoly privileges; 180+ laws aligned |
| Institutional readiness | IFRS accounts (Deloitte audit), UzSAMA, Privatisation Law (Feb 2024), Franklin Templeton IMA (Jan 2025) | None of these existed before 2024 — the IPO was structurally impossible earlier |
| Presidential mandate | Seven-year term from 2023 constitutional referendum | Long horizon absorbs short-term transitional costs of SOE restructuring |
Sources: UzNIF Long-Term Strategy (Franklin Templeton, 2025); IFRS Financial Statements (Deloitte, March 2026); IMF; World Bank; Yale Journal of International Affairs (January 2026).
Uzbekistan has achieved a population of about 38.2 million with a median age of 28 years and a growing workforce of up to 600,000 to 700,000 people per year. Since 57% of the population falls below 30 years of age, there is structurally no way for an economy characterized by SOEs to absorb such growth. According to the Yale Journal of International Affairs in January 2026, the structural reforms of Uzbekistan, including privatization of SOEs, are not ideological decisions but a necessity forced on the government through labor market calculations. The process of privatizing SOEs expedites the process of labor market adjustment through competitive pressures and signals multinational corporations that institutional structure is being put in place for future investments.
The full-scale invasion of Ukraine by Russia in February 2022 was an exogenous shock which increased the urgency for reforms. Sanctions from the West led to lower economic output, depreciation of the rouble, and complications with international remittances – disrupting a source of income on which millions of Uzbek families relied. These risks are recognized in the financial statement of UzNIF, where it is stated that Uzbekistan has substantial economic relations with Russia and that sanctions towards Russian organizations may have a material impact on Uzbekistan's trade. However, the indirect effect was beneficial for Uzbekistan. Isolation of Russia from Western capital markets meant that the universe of opportunities for institutional investors who managed emerging market mandates became limited. With its proven track record of economic growth, lack of sanctions and publicized plan for reforms, Uzbekistan became the obvious choice for these investors' money.
The public willingness of Uzbekistan to complete its WTO accession process by 2026 was a case of an exogenous accountability device, which domestic reform processes do not tend to produce. Every Working Party meeting yielded a particular set of legislative actions needed as prerequisites of membership, thus generating an uninterrupted flow of liberalisation reforms that could be presented to domestic interest groups as being externally imposed on the country rather than politically selected. This is of critical importance for SOE reform politics: liberalising the monopolistic privileges of Uzbektelecom and exclusive trade rights of Uztransgaz creates significant domestic losses.
It is clear that the reason why IPO could not take place earlier than 2026 comes from the evidence provided in the primary source. In particular, UzNIF became an established entity only on 24 December 2024. Franklin Templeton management agreement was signed in 2025 (on 26 January). Share contributions from the Ministry of Economy and Finance started in 2025 (on 1 May). Portfolio company accounting records in compliance with IFRS standard became available only starting from 2024. The audit was completed on 30 March 2026. Portfolio of entities was also being developed until December 2025 when four companies were stripped out by capital reduction (Uzbekistan Airports, Microcreditbank, Business Development Bank, Uzbekistan Post).
The re-election of Mirziyoyev in July 2023, following a constitutional referendum that extends the presidential period to seven years and sets new term limits, provides the political security needed to cope with the disruption that the privatisation process is expected to cause. SOEs will not have patronage control any more. Suppliers with political connections will not be guaranteed their contract anymore. It was even more difficult to launch the IPO of the UzNIF later since this would mean missing out on the early mover advantage that is expected to be crucial in the increasingly competitive Central Asian IPO environment. As the UzNIF Long-Term Strategy states, its success is completely reliant on political support to SOE reform.